Advice for dissident scholars
Published under the title "Advice for the dissident scholar", Thought & Action, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring 1998, pp. 119-130, with extensive editorial changes. The version submitted is given here.
Brian Martin
email: bmartin@uow.edu.au
Dissident scholars can be attacked in various ways, including by denial of tenure, harassment, withdrawal of research grants, official reprimands, referral to psychiatrists, ostracism by colleagues, spreading of rumors, transfer to different locations or jobs, and dismissal. Inevitably, the justification for such attacks is poor performance or some other inadequacy. At this stage, many scholars are all too ready to blame themselves. But, at least in some cases, they are the victims of suppression of dissent.
Anyone who does something that threatens a powerful individual or group is potentially a target of suppression. The classic case is the whistleblower, who speaks out about corruption or dangers to public health, for example accusing a senior colleague of scientific fraud or pointing out the danger of a chemical produced by one's employer.[1]
But there are many other victims of suppression who wouldn't qualify as whistleblowers. People can be victimized even if they don't speak out and even if they don't work for an organization. Anyone who threatens an established practice or policy backed by powerful interests is vulnerable to attack. This includes doing unwelcome research or providing unwelcome policy advice--unwelcome to powerful groups--or questioning appointments made by an insider clique.
It was in 1979 that I first began investigating and writing about suppression of intellectual dissent. I was then an applied mathematician interested in environmental issues, and I discovered a pattern of suppression of environmental scholars. The more I looked into the issue, the more cases showed up. Then, after publishing articles about suppression, even more cases were brought to my attention. Initially I hadn't even thought of suppression as a problem in science and academia. Now I realize that it is pervasive. Although each case has its own peculiarities, there are regularly recurring features of suppression cases.[2]
Any scholar who challenges a powerful establishment is a likely target for suppression sooner or later.[3] But lots of others are suppressed too. In this article I first describe how to assess whether suppression is occurring and then summarize some insights about how to resist and survive attacks on dissent.
Is it suppression?
There are two main features of suppression cases. First, someone does something--research, teaching, or public comment--that threatens a powerful interest group, typically a government, industry, profession, or one's own superiors. Second, there is some attack on the activity or the person. This might be censorship, disciplinary proceedings, slander, transfer, dismissal, or blacklisting, or threats of any of these.
A few cases are dramatic. Melvin Reuber, who had done research on pesticides and cancer, was suddenly given a severe reprimand by his boss. The bulk of this reprimand was published in a chemical industry trade magazine and circulated around the world.[4] Margot O'Toole, who persistently raised questions about the work of her superiors--including Nobel Prize winner David Baltimore--suffered enormous damage to her scientific career.[5]
Most cases, by contrast, are much more subtle. Job applications are unsuccessful; publications are rejected; promotion is denied; grant applications are unsuccessful. In most of such cases, it is impossible to know the real reason. It might be a fair decision, it might be suppression, or it might just be bad luck.
There are two simple techniques to help decide whether suppression has occurred. The first is the double standard test. Have other scholars, with the same performance as the one in question, been treated the same way? For example, a researcher might be denied promotion for lack of publications. Were colleagues with the same publication record--but who never refused to add their boss's name to their papers, even though the boss rarely set foot in the lab--also denied promotion? Was the only teacher whose position was declared redundant the one who spoke to the media, criticizing an influential company in the town?
The second technique is to look for patterns of suppression. For example, there are numerous cases of attacks on expert critics of pesticides, nuclear power, and fluoridation. In each case there are powerful interests that are threatened by dissent: the pesticide industry; government and the nuclear industry in the case of nuclear power; the dental profession in the case of fluoridation.[6]
There is never a final proof that suppression has occurred. But using the double standard test and establishing a pattern of suppression can provide strong circumstantial evidence.
Truth is not enough
Many scholars have a deep, abiding faith in the power of truth. They believe that if people really knew what was going on--about the corruption, the danger to the public, or the attacks on free speech--they would be supportive. They also believe that somewhere there are powerful people who will respond to the truth and ensure that justice is done and seen to be done.
My first important piece of advice for dissident scholars is not to rely on truth. It's useful but not enough. Certainly it should not be relied upon to sway the powerful.
Scholars are trained to believe that academia is a system for seeking and disseminating knowledge and that the "marketplace of ideas" will lead to the triumph of truth. This isn't a good model. It's far more useful to treat academia as a system of power, in which knowledge plays an important role. Government and industry don't fund research out of altruism: results are expected to be useful, either in a practical or symbolic way. Profits, power, and status are the keys.
Another way to look at this is to remember Lord Acton's saying, "power tends to corrupt." Those who have power in academia--deans, grant administrators, research directors, editors--are liable to use it to advance their own ends and protect themselves from threats.
Most whistleblowers believe in the power of truth. They speak out, believing that the problems they have pointed out will be quickly rectified once people know about them. Occasionally this actually happens. But all too often it is the whistleblower who is seen as the "problem" and who is "rectified."
This does not mean that there is a conscious conspiracy of evil schemers who set out to destroy dissidents. Just the opposite. Those who attack dissent sincerely believe that they are doing the right thing. They see dissenters as incompetent or dangerous because they are questioning a valid procedure or undermining support for an important enterprise. Among those who attack dissent, it just so happens that there is a nice meshing of their beliefs and their self-interest.
Strategy
Anyone dissenting from powerful groups needs to understand how power operates and to develop a strategy. My second important piece of advice for dissident scholars is that they should work out their goals.
This may seem unnecessary. Surely goals are self-evident: expose and correct the injustice or abuse of power! But seldom is it clear-cut what this means in practice. Does it mean allowing free speech? Penalizing those who suppressed dissent? Exposing the wrong-doing? Obtaining compensation?
Dissidents need to sit down and carefully examine what they want to achieve. Is enabling the public to learn about a dangerous situation the only thing? What about keeping one's job, or maintaining future career options? Is the aim to expose and penalize the guilty ones, or to have them admit that they were wrong? What personal sacrifices is one willing to make to achieve one's most important goals? What about a personal life?
Once goals have been spelled out, then it's time to develop a strategy, which is a means of moving from the present situation towards the goals. Any decent strategy must take political realities into account, things such as who are likely to be supporters, the resources at the disposal of opponents, the cultural climate, one's skills in this sort of enterprise, and so forth. In formulating a strategy, it is valuable to have a gut-level understanding of how academia operates as a system of power-knowledge.
Two contrasting Australian examples illustrate the value of understanding science and academia as systems of power-knowledge and having well-thought-out goals. (There are plenty of cases from other countries. I'm using Australian examples because I'm more familiar with the details.)
First is the case of Phil Vardy and Jill French, medical researchers who worked for William McBride, the Australian doctor who discovered that the drug thalidomide causes birth defects. Vardy and French found out that McBride had falsified some of his data in a published paper. After they confronted him about it, they were dismissed and their careers were almost destroyed. They had the naive belief that truth would lead to justice. They had no strategy that took account of the exercise of power. The board of Foundation 41, which McBride had set up for his medical research, backed him. McBride had the prestige and power. It was only years later, after journalists took up the story, that McBride's fraud was exposed.[7]
The second example involves Dr David Rindos, an archaeologist at the University of Western Australia who was denied tenure in 1993. He knew that this was coming. After arriving at the university in 1989 from the US, he soon discovered a range of improper behaviors in the Archaeology Department, including sexual impositions placed on students. As soon as he began expressing concern about these problems, Rindos came under attack. He was moved to another department, accused of plagiarism, accused of sexual harassment, had his teaching taken away and was eventually moved out of any department--a pattern typical for a severe case of suppression. This was highly stressful, but he mounted an effective campaign with the goal of gaining tenure or, if that was unsuccessful, exposing the university administration. He produced a mammoth body of material documenting his case for tenure. The tenure committee based its case for rejection on his research record. Rindos, as well as documenting his case, mobilized support nationally and internationally. Thirty prominent figures in the field wrote to the university testifying to his outstanding research record and abilities. Rindos and his supporters also developed an effective media campaign and won the support of some politicians. The Western Australian parliament set up a major inquiry into the whole affair. Rindos' campaign took into account the powerful forces ranged against him. Although he was not successful in gaining tenure, he certainly succeeded in severely embarrassing the university.[8]
Rindos didn't think he was in control quite as much as I've suggested. For example, he contacted just a dozen people to obtain letters of support, and they took the initiative to spread the word to others. But he was going about it in the right sort of way. Tragically, he died unexpectedly in 1996 at the age of 49. The parliamentary inquiry, reporting in December 1997, strongly criticized many of the university's actions in the affair.
There's no method that can guarantee success. Sometimes a simple "speak-truth-to-power" approach will work, and sometimes the most sophisticated campaign will fail. I believe that an approach based on clear goals and a strategy based on an understanding of academia as a power-knowledge system will improve the chances of success. With this foundation, it is worthwhile examining some methods of opposing suppression.
Document the case
This is absolutely crucial if there is any chance of repercussions. Evidence of corruption, discrimination or public hazard must be watertight. This means saving copies of correspondence, receipts, lab notes, drafts of papers, or whatever is important. It can also involve notes on conversations and signed statements from colleagues. Documents should be kept in a safe place.
Documents are valuable, but to be useful there needs to be an account of the case that is accessible and understandable to outsiders--people who aren't familiar with the situation. In my files on suppression cases, there are several for which I have literally hundreds of pages of documents. Very few people are going to wade through or make sense of such a pile of paper.
What is needed is a convenient summary, perhaps a one-page summary or a 5000-word article. The documents provide back-up material. For the person in the center of a case, it is extremely difficult to obtain the perspective to write a clear summary. If possible, a sympathetic person should write an account. Alternatively, if one writes about one's own case, comments should be obtained from others on how to make it communicate well.
Mobilize support
In my opinion, this is usually the most important technique for opposing suppression. This is also the area where understanding of academia as a power-knowledge system is most crucial. It is vital to work out who are likely to be supporters, neutrals, and opponents, and then to encourage supporters to take action, encourage neutrals to become sympathetic, and discourage opponents from action or reduce their hostility.
* When confronting a powerful interest group, members of this group are least likely to provide help--at least not openly.
* When some colleagues are sympathetic, this is a great source of strength. But some whistleblowers are quickly isolated, since their colleagues are afraid that they'll be victimized too.
* Other dissidents can be very helpful. They can provide moral support and invaluable insights into the dynamics of suppression. Whistleblower support organizations also can be very helpful.
* People from outside the organization sometimes can be a great help. This might include personal friends, colleagues at other institutions, "members of the public," and even people from other countries.
* A supportive union is a tremendous asset and can often make the difference between success and failure. Unfortunately, many dissidents report that unions and professional associations are unhelpful or even favor the other side. This can be because conflicts pit one union member against another or because of links between union officials and the group attacking the dissident. Consequently, it is wise to foster union activism on issues of dissent while not assuming there will be support on any individual case.
* Social movement groups, such as social justice or environmental groups, sometimes are helpful. This depends a lot on the issue. If you've been speaking out about problems due to forestry practices, then environmental groups are likely to be supportive. But there are no guarantees. Social movement elites have been known to suppress insiders or sympathizers who are seen to be critical of the movement or its methods.
* The media often can play a crucial role. I'll comment on this below.
How can allies of a dissident help? A first and absolutely vital way is by listening and providing advice and moral support. Being attacked is often psychologically devastating. It can destroy people's faith in the organization or cause to which they have committed years of work--or even destroy faith in the possibility of justice. Furthermore, when longstanding colleagues and friends show their true colors by deserting a dissident at a crucial moment, this can be a severe blow. To have even one friend or family member who is willing to stand by through thick and thin is to have a prize asset. (Some dissidents mistakenly demand or expect unlimited support, causing supporters to burn out.) If some supporters organize an action group to take up a case, this is good fortune indeed.
A second important way that supporters can help is by raising the issues: exposing the corruption, warning the public of dangers, etc. The aim of suppression is to stop open discussion of the issues. By continuing to raise the alarm, supporters undermine this aim.
The other issue is the suppression itself. If the dissident is willing, this should be exposed. Suppression works best when it is hidden. Exposed to public eyes, it usually discredits the suppressors--even when what they are suppressing isn't very worthy.
Supporters also can play an important role by mobilizing further support and by taking direct action and by obtaining publicity, an important topic in itself.
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